By Ristian Atriandi Supriyanto for Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
The recent visit by the US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel to Indonesia
was concluded with a decision to sell eight Boeing AH-64 Apache Longbow
gunship helicopters worth US$500 million to the Indonesian Army
(TNI-AD). The package includes pilot training, radars, and maintenance.
However, arguments surrounding the purchase echo concerns about
Indonesia’s decision to buy 100 Leopard 2A6 main battle tanks. The
Apache gunships are primarily designed to attack other gunships, slow
low-flying aircraft, or are used for ground attack and as anti-tank
strikes. It simply doesn’t make sense when Secretary Hagel says that
they ‘will help Indonesia respond to a range of contingencies, including
counterpiracy operations and maritime awareness’. So why did Indonesia
buy them?
Similar to the Leopard purchase, there seems to be a sense of ‘catch-up’
with the region in Indonesia’s Apache decision. As one analyst notes,
Indonesia’s military procurement strategies seem to be emotionally
driven, with a desire to keep up with neighbouring countries. But there
are other reasons too.
The Army has been eyeing gunships for some time under the so-called
‘Minimum Essential Force’ (MEF). As per President Yudhoyono’s decree,
the MEF is a capability upgrade program for TNI to be achieved in three
stages by 2024. Moreover, Indonesia’s Defence Minister said that the TNI
should have more modern capability, which it has lacked for the last 20
years. In March 2007, the Army revealed its 25 year plan to acquire
around 135 helicopters to form eight squadrons. The plan started with
the purchase of Mi-35 gunships in 2003 and 2008. Other than the Apache,
the Army also intends to procure Eurocopter AS 550 Fennec light military
helicopters.
Acquiring the Apache is also consistent with TNI’s new doctrine to
improve fire mobility. Having an agile and flexible Army is critical if
Indonesia pursues a maritime-oriented defence strategy, which demands
more effective Army coordination with the Navy and Air Force. For
example, the Apache could provide tactical air support for naval forces
during an amphibious operation within Indonesia’s archipelago. Since
2008, the TNI has started to conduct joint tri-service exercises with a
distinctively maritime scenario. After all, having a maritime defence
strategy is a geostrategic imperative for an archipelagic nation like
Indonesia.
It’s also noteworthy that boosting the Army’s capability, or
specifically, purchasing the gunships, doesn’t come at the expense of
naval and air force modernisations. In the 2010–2014 period, the
government has allocated Rp 150 trillion (US$16.3 billion) for
acquisition, in which 62% (US$10.1 billion) is devoted to naval and air
force modernisations.
Following the enactment of the law on defence industry, Jakarta also
expects the Apache purchase could spur the growth of Indonesia’s defence
companies. The law puts strict conditions on arms import, including
requirements for technology sharing. While such a scheme appears to be a
long way off for the Apache, Washington has agreed in principle to
‘share American technology and expertise which will further deepen our
security partnerships’.
Finally, while the Apache seems overmatched for counterpiracy
operations, the ‘E’ or Guardian version Washington is selling to
Indonesia could be upgraded for maritime strikes. Last year, the US
Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) said Indonesia requested the
Apache to be equipped with APG-78 Longbow Fire Control Radars, and armed
with 140 ‘Hellfire’ AGM-114R3 air-to-surface missiles (ASM). This
capability could enable the Apache to attack landing craft or small
warships.
However, this also depends on where the TNI is going to base and deploy
them. For example, basing them in overpopulated Java wouldn’t make the
Apache very useful. The gunships are relatively short-legged (approx.
460–485 km flight range) to be flown over directly from Java to meet
contingencies in the outer islands, where they mostly occur. In its
statement, the DSCA said the Apache:
… provides the Government of Indonesia with assets vital to protect and
deter both external and other potential threats. Indonesia will use
these Apache helicopters to defend its borders, conduct counterterrorism
and counter-piracy operations, and control the free flow of shipping
through the Strait of Malacca.
Therefore, instead of Java, the Apache would likely be based somewhere
along the Malacca Strait (i.e. Sumatra), or along the border
(especially, Kalimantan). As for counterterrorism, they could be used to
support ground troops in suppressing terrorist camps, such as those
found in Aceh and Sulawesi.
Nor would the Apache be deployed in contentious counter-separatist
operations, such as those in Papua. The US Government, along with human
rights groups, is already well aware of this possibility and is prepared
in advance to make sure the Apache wouldn’t be used in such a scenario.
Rather, more than anything else, the sale is meant to ‘enable Indonesia
to become more a capable defensive force and will also provide key
elements required for interoperability with US forces.’
But there’s another intriguing thing about the deal. For a full package,
the DSCA estimated the cost of eight Apache for Indonesia at US$1.42
billion. Why then is the current deal only worth a third of that? It’s
possible that the deal doesn’t include all of the armament and support
systems. Such a scaled-down acquisition isn’t new in Indonesia’s arms
purchases. For example, in 2004, Indonesia bought its first four Sukhoi
jet fighters unarmed.
As such, it’s necessary to take Indonesia’s Apache purchase, and other
arms purchases to come, with a pinch of salt. Buying platforms doesn’t
equate to increased capabilities, let alone if those platforms are
sourced from different countries with different weapon systems—precisely
the way Indonesia does. Arguing that arms procurement should be
diversified due to concerns over embargoes, or for any other reason,
comes with an associated risk of platform incompatibility and hence,
ineffectiveness. For this reason, Indonesia is still a long way off
modernising the TNI, even after the MEF is achieved.
Ristian Atriandi Supriyanto is an associate research fellow, Maritime
Security Programme, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies,
Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Image courtesy of Flickr
user The US Army.
Sumber : isn.ethz
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